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22.02.202511:27
What a striking moment that captures Evola’s deep disdain for the vulgarity of mass movements, whether Jacobin, communist, or National Socialist. The Anschluss was not just a geopolitical event for him but a symbolic rupture—a final blow against the remnants of the old, hierarchical order he revered. His comparison of NS rhetoric to that of revolutionary mobs is telling; it underscores his belief that both were expressions of the same modernist, leveling impulse.
It also speaks to the tragedy of figures like Spann, who sought a spiritual aristocracy but found themselves crushed beneath the machinery of a regime that had no use for their vision. Evola’s presence in Vienna at that time, witnessing this clash firsthand, must have only reinforced his conviction that neither liberal democracy nor crude populist authoritarianism could restore the Ordo he sought. (2/2)
It also speaks to the tragedy of figures like Spann, who sought a spiritual aristocracy but found themselves crushed beneath the machinery of a regime that had no use for their vision. Evola’s presence in Vienna at that time, witnessing this clash firsthand, must have only reinforced his conviction that neither liberal democracy nor crude populist authoritarianism could restore the Ordo he sought. (2/2)
22.02.202511:19
Excerpt from The Adventurous Life of Julius Evola
“As the informant Italo Tavolato reported to the OVRA: ‘[Evola] also claims that the Germans are employing unprecedented brutality to Nazify Austria.’ As they advanced, the Germans arrested, among others, Othmar Spann and Walter Heinrich—both of whom would soon end up in a prison camp—and it cannot be ruled out that Evola attempted to intercede on their behalf with the armed forces. Two hours before his arrest, Othmar had uncorked a bottle of champagne, toasting what was supposed to be the happiest day of his life…
The reality is that, during those turbulent hours, Evola witnessed a clash between two worldviews. On one side, ‘traditional’ Austria, a remnant of old Europe—Catholic and Habsburg; on the other, the iconoclastic and populist ferocity of the new Reich. ‘We were also in Vienna at the time of the Anschluss,’ he would later write. ‘What the Nazi Gauleiter for Austria was capable of saying in his speeches against the Habsburgs was no less vulgar than what might come from a Jacobin or a communist proletarian.’
He would never forget this lesson.” (1/2)
“As the informant Italo Tavolato reported to the OVRA: ‘[Evola] also claims that the Germans are employing unprecedented brutality to Nazify Austria.’ As they advanced, the Germans arrested, among others, Othmar Spann and Walter Heinrich—both of whom would soon end up in a prison camp—and it cannot be ruled out that Evola attempted to intercede on their behalf with the armed forces. Two hours before his arrest, Othmar had uncorked a bottle of champagne, toasting what was supposed to be the happiest day of his life…
The reality is that, during those turbulent hours, Evola witnessed a clash between two worldviews. On one side, ‘traditional’ Austria, a remnant of old Europe—Catholic and Habsburg; on the other, the iconoclastic and populist ferocity of the new Reich. ‘We were also in Vienna at the time of the Anschluss,’ he would later write. ‘What the Nazi Gauleiter for Austria was capable of saying in his speeches against the Habsburgs was no less vulgar than what might come from a Jacobin or a communist proletarian.’
He would never forget this lesson.” (1/2)
04.02.202518:45
Whatever chaos may be on the horizon, at least we’re no longer in the deadening malaise of the “post-WWII era,” where history was supposedly “over” and politics reduced to managerial tinkering. The return of real political will, of genuine historical forces in motion, is a necessary prelude to anything meaningful.
Yes, the cost could be immense, but the alternative—the endless stagnation of neoliberal inertia, a world without stakes, without vision, without struggle—is far worse. The fact that people are once again asking the Caesar question means we’ve moved beyond the era of Biden-style figureheads, empty suits presiding over nothing. However the pieces fall, we’re entering a time where power matters again; and that alone signals the end of a world that deserved to die.
Yes, the cost could be immense, but the alternative—the endless stagnation of neoliberal inertia, a world without stakes, without vision, without struggle—is far worse. The fact that people are once again asking the Caesar question means we’ve moved beyond the era of Biden-style figureheads, empty suits presiding over nothing. However the pieces fall, we’re entering a time where power matters again; and that alone signals the end of a world that deserved to die.
04.02.202517:23
This ad is a pathetic relic of a bygone era, a limp, hollow attempt at social engineering that assumes people are still naive enough to be swayed by celebrity platitudes. It reeks of desperation—Tom Brady and Snoop Dogg, two obscenely wealthy and out-of-touch figures, awkwardly shoehorned into a forced, saccharine plea against “hate,” as if centuries-old conflicts and deep-seated geopolitical realities can be reduced to a Super Bowl PSA. The entire production is an insult to the intelligence of anyone paying attention, a last-gasp effort by a ruling elite that has lost both its cunning and its grip on reality. They still believe in the magic of corporate-sponsored unity messaging, oblivious to the fact that the world has moved on. The propaganda machine is running on fumes, and all it can produce now is cringe.
04.02.202517:23
Tom Brady and Snoop Dogg star in new commercial to tackle “antisemitism.”
I think Tom missed a few reasons there…
@AltSkull48
I think Tom missed a few reasons there…
@AltSkull48
29.01.202513:39
The question isn’t if Caesarism will come, but who will wield it.
Trump, for all his bluster, is no Caesar. He’s a wrecking ball, not a builder. A symptom of decay rather than the architect of renewal. He rallies the instincts of the people against the managerial class, but he’s still tangled in the very forces that need to be overthrown—Zionist interests, technofeudal oligarchs, the billionaire caste. He doesn’t break the dictatorship of money; he merely reshuffles its factions. His populism stirs the masses, but it lacks the vision or discipline to forge a true political order beyond slogans and spectacle.
Yet, even in his failures, he signals the shift. The age of managerial democracy is rotting from within, and with each act of desperation—censorship, lawfare, financial enslavement—the ruling class only accelerates its demise.
The real Caesar will come when money finally bends the knee to the sword, when authority crushes the parasites, and when a new, sacred order is imposed by those with the will to rule. Trump may not be that man, but his rise proves the hunger for it is there. The only question left is who will seize the moment.
Trump, for all his bluster, is no Caesar. He’s a wrecking ball, not a builder. A symptom of decay rather than the architect of renewal. He rallies the instincts of the people against the managerial class, but he’s still tangled in the very forces that need to be overthrown—Zionist interests, technofeudal oligarchs, the billionaire caste. He doesn’t break the dictatorship of money; he merely reshuffles its factions. His populism stirs the masses, but it lacks the vision or discipline to forge a true political order beyond slogans and spectacle.
Yet, even in his failures, he signals the shift. The age of managerial democracy is rotting from within, and with each act of desperation—censorship, lawfare, financial enslavement—the ruling class only accelerates its demise.
The real Caesar will come when money finally bends the knee to the sword, when authority crushes the parasites, and when a new, sacred order is imposed by those with the will to rule. Trump may not be that man, but his rise proves the hunger for it is there. The only question left is who will seize the moment.
29.01.202513:38
“The coming of Caesarism breaks the dictature of money and its political weapon, democracy. After a long triumph of world-city economy and its interests over political creative force, the political side of life manifests itself after all as the stronger of the two. The sword is victorious over the money, the master-will subdues again the plunderer-will. If we call these money-powers 'Capitalism,' then we may designate as Socialism the will to call into life a mighty politico-economic order that transcends all class interests, a system of lofty thoughtfulness and duty-sense that keeps the whole in fine condition for the decisive battle of its history, and this battle is also the battle of money and law.”
Spengler saw it coming: the age of money always ends with the age of the sword. The soulless reign of finance, democracy, and rootless parasites eventually collapses under the weight of its own decadence, making way for the return of authority, hierarchy, and political will…(1/2)
Spengler saw it coming: the age of money always ends with the age of the sword. The soulless reign of finance, democracy, and rootless parasites eventually collapses under the weight of its own decadence, making way for the return of authority, hierarchy, and political will…(1/2)
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20.01.202514:43
"In the late 1920s, as Evola was developing his ideas more systematically, Guénon was coming to the conclusion that the West was lost, that there was no hope of finding any significant continuity with traditional understanding of the path to knowledge. Evola thought of initiation much more as a journey dependent on individual discipline and rigour, for which the prospective initiate would need guidance and could follow the accepted rituals, but for which at key points in the path he would achieve progress only through his own determination and courage. This was certainly more difficult in the prevailing degraded conditions of thorough modernity, but he believed that those who are called to this path could be found even in the darkest times, and for them, the adoption of the path to enlightenment was a duty they would recognise and pursue. It was therefore less important for him that the density of support in Western society was entirely deficient." - Paul Furlong
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19.01.202518:40
18.01.202512:59
“When Zeus, in place of good, conceived this radiant woe,
He bore her forth where gods and mortals gather,
And all who saw her marveled at the sight—
A cunning snare, inescapable and deep,
Destined to vex mankind for all their days.
From her, that cursed lineage sprang—
Women, a dire plague among mortal men.” — Hesiod, Theogeny
He bore her forth where gods and mortals gather,
And all who saw her marveled at the sight—
A cunning snare, inescapable and deep,
Destined to vex mankind for all their days.
From her, that cursed lineage sprang—
Women, a dire plague among mortal men.” — Hesiod, Theogeny
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13.01.202522:08
11.01.202514:26
"Ernst Jünger surpasses all contemporary 'poets' (i.e., writers) and 'thinkers' (i.e., philosophers) in the decisiveness of his vision of reality, and specifically in that his 'seeing' is not a gaping gaze, but is carried out and experienced existentially." — Heidegger
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10.01.202520:49
"What greatness lies in history are the mighty passions of races, of peoples, families, estates, of individuals. What they cost, rivers of blood, the burning of cities, ruins, is not too dear. And only when the barren reason overflows from the cities, like a dirty flood, with humanity, peace or the striving to fill the rabble man with the happiness of the most: comfort, pleasure, bread and beer, does an immeasurable boredom settle over the world, so that men flee from passion to other parts of the world, become criminals, commit suicide - or smash this world to ruins." — Oswald Spengler, ‘Early Days of World History’
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04.01.202515:49
"Viciously silencing opponents simply guarantees that when the backlash finally comes, it will take massively reactionary form." - Camille Paglia
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31.12.202412:08
"For we have to contemplate, whether and how in the age of the mechanised and homogenised world civilisation there can still be a homeland." — Martin Heidegger
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