

19.04.202514:38
Happy Easter! ☦️✝️
Christ is Risen! Truly He is Risen! ☦️
Christ is Risen! Truly He is Risen! ☦️
13.04.202512:17
Pt. 2.
Under the title "The Estonian Church and the Veterans", an article appeared in Võitlus attacking the state's previous policy towards the church and making demands. It was the church that was said to have been most oppressed by the parties. The Church's first wish for the Veterans was, according to the article, to regain "to recognise its work and activity as necessary in the moral and spiritual life of the people". The religious work of the church was to be the cornerstone of the state, and religious education in schools was to be compulsory. Political parties were said to be "...Satan's instruments against the soul, the spirit and the purse of the people". On the other hand, the new Estonia under the leadership of the Veterans would have to link itself to the church. The epistle ends with the cry: 'God, help us!'.
When the results of the constitutional referendum were known, the Veterans held thanksgiving services in several places. In Tallinn, according to the newspaper "Päevaleht", as many as two services were held at the same time - in St. John's Church and Toomkirik, respectively. Both churches were already full half an hour before the start of the service, and many had to stand behind the door. Sirk and his wife, as well as Larka, also attended the Eucharist at the Toomkirche service. Teacher Uhke was the speaker. Among other things, he spoke about the fact that when the Estonian state was founded, there were people who thought that God was not needed. Such people, in his opinion, had been punished by God on 16 October following the victory of the Vaps Constitution.
In Narva, thanksgiving services were also held in two churches. In St. Peter's Church, the sermon was preached by the teacher G. Kiviste. Here too the church was so crowded that not everyone could get in (Päevaleht, 21.10.1933:1). According to the Veterans' newspaper, the crowd was so large that 2000 people remained outside the church door. Teacher Kiviste's speech was very political, he sharply criticized the politics of the political parties (Võitlus, 21.10.1933:3). The Narva Veterans' chapter had asked for two churches for the services, but the Alutaguse provost J. Kleistiev was very critical. J. Jalakas had refused to give the church of Alexander's congregation for worship, because he did not find it acceptable to take politics to church. The second church where the thanksgiving service was held in Narva was, somewhat surprisingly, the Church of the Resurrection of the Apostolic Orthodox of Joaor. According to Päevaleht, as many as five teachers and eight deacons took part in the service there. In addition, it is mentioned that teacher Kalksin gave a speech in Russian.
Professor Tennmann of the Faculty of Religion at the University of Tartu attracted the attention of the press with a presentation in Pärnu at the invitation of the Veterans, which was considered by the "Postimees" to be "propaganda of Hitlerism", a 'national crime'. According to the newspaper, Tennmann's appearance as a speaker for the Vaps Movement had made him a "pioneer of Hitlerism" (PM, 13.04.1933:3). According to the socialist paper "Rahva Sõna", Professor Tennmann, a former pastor of the Maarja-Magdaleena parish, was an agitator of the "kaikamehed" (The word kaikamehed meaning 'men with clubs' aka trying to say that the Vaps were willing to use violence of need be to gain power). The fact that Tennmann's home language was German was, in the opinion of the 'Rahva Sõna', evidence of the old connection of church leaders with the barons (Rahva Sõna, 05.04.1933:4). "The former pastor, Prof. Tennmann, became an agitator for the Vaps", writes S. Raudsepp in his thesis. Professor Tennmann had also advocated for Estonia aligning with a new, Hitlerist Germany.
Under the title "The Estonian Church and the Veterans", an article appeared in Võitlus attacking the state's previous policy towards the church and making demands. It was the church that was said to have been most oppressed by the parties. The Church's first wish for the Veterans was, according to the article, to regain "to recognise its work and activity as necessary in the moral and spiritual life of the people". The religious work of the church was to be the cornerstone of the state, and religious education in schools was to be compulsory. Political parties were said to be "...Satan's instruments against the soul, the spirit and the purse of the people". On the other hand, the new Estonia under the leadership of the Veterans would have to link itself to the church. The epistle ends with the cry: 'God, help us!'.
When the results of the constitutional referendum were known, the Veterans held thanksgiving services in several places. In Tallinn, according to the newspaper "Päevaleht", as many as two services were held at the same time - in St. John's Church and Toomkirik, respectively. Both churches were already full half an hour before the start of the service, and many had to stand behind the door. Sirk and his wife, as well as Larka, also attended the Eucharist at the Toomkirche service. Teacher Uhke was the speaker. Among other things, he spoke about the fact that when the Estonian state was founded, there were people who thought that God was not needed. Such people, in his opinion, had been punished by God on 16 October following the victory of the Vaps Constitution.
In Narva, thanksgiving services were also held in two churches. In St. Peter's Church, the sermon was preached by the teacher G. Kiviste. Here too the church was so crowded that not everyone could get in (Päevaleht, 21.10.1933:1). According to the Veterans' newspaper, the crowd was so large that 2000 people remained outside the church door. Teacher Kiviste's speech was very political, he sharply criticized the politics of the political parties (Võitlus, 21.10.1933:3). The Narva Veterans' chapter had asked for two churches for the services, but the Alutaguse provost J. Kleistiev was very critical. J. Jalakas had refused to give the church of Alexander's congregation for worship, because he did not find it acceptable to take politics to church. The second church where the thanksgiving service was held in Narva was, somewhat surprisingly, the Church of the Resurrection of the Apostolic Orthodox of Joaor. According to Päevaleht, as many as five teachers and eight deacons took part in the service there. In addition, it is mentioned that teacher Kalksin gave a speech in Russian.
Professor Tennmann of the Faculty of Religion at the University of Tartu attracted the attention of the press with a presentation in Pärnu at the invitation of the Veterans, which was considered by the "Postimees" to be "propaganda of Hitlerism", a 'national crime'. According to the newspaper, Tennmann's appearance as a speaker for the Vaps Movement had made him a "pioneer of Hitlerism" (PM, 13.04.1933:3). According to the socialist paper "Rahva Sõna", Professor Tennmann, a former pastor of the Maarja-Magdaleena parish, was an agitator of the "kaikamehed" (The word kaikamehed meaning 'men with clubs' aka trying to say that the Vaps were willing to use violence of need be to gain power). The fact that Tennmann's home language was German was, in the opinion of the 'Rahva Sõna', evidence of the old connection of church leaders with the barons (Rahva Sõna, 05.04.1933:4). "The former pastor, Prof. Tennmann, became an agitator for the Vaps", writes S. Raudsepp in his thesis. Professor Tennmann had also advocated for Estonia aligning with a new, Hitlerist Germany.


01.04.202515:00
EKRE repeatedly ruled out sending troops to Ukraine
Chairman of the Conservative People's Party of Estonia (EKRE) Martin Helme has repeatedly ruled out deploying Estonian units to Ukraine as peacekeepers.
In February, Helme categorically ruled out sending units to Ukraine.
"Absolutely not! Even opening such a discussion is, in my opinion, dangerous, harmful, and foolish for Estonia," he told ERR at the time.
He said decisions will be made by "the great powers," meaning bigger countries.
"The great powers will make decisions without us anyway, but they cannot decide for us that we, as a frontline state with Russia, must also go and take on the responsibility of defending another frontline state. Such megalomania should not be allowed by people with common sense in broad daylight," Helme said.
Article


30.03.202517:43
Caption: ''Just a reminder.''
Article: ''Historian Liisi Veski: Konstantin Päts overthrew the democratic rule.''
Many so-called "national conservatives" (Päts was one) today love to attack Konstantin Päts for his 1934 self-coup, painting him as some kind of traitor (putting aside what he did in 1939-1940) who "destroyed Estonian democracy." But this analysis is completely shallow—failing to grasp that by the 1930s, democracy in Estonia was already a walking corpse. The question was never whether democracy would survive but who would take control after its inevitable collapse: the Vaps Movement or Päts himself.


23.03.202520:00
💯
20.03.202516:06
Tfw Serbia is more 'democratic' than liberal-'democratic' Estonia.


15.04.202515:34
...It is, after all, a question of leadership and the mass as we know it. Let it be noted that the great figures of history who have had an extraordinary influence on the masses and who were very skillful speakers to the masses, such as Lenin or certainly Adolf Hitler, among the known masses of popular literature was Gustav Le Bon's book ''The Crowd'', and not only they but all others who have dealt with the masses, especially in the political world, know that, with the masses, facts, logic, reason do not apply, but their imagination and emotions must be grasped, and that is how it really is
- Einar Laigna, Estonian radical Traditionalist philosopher, soldier-priest


12.04.202509:16
Point 16 of the EVL Grand Congress of 17 December 1933:
The last congress of the Vaps Movement (17th of December 1933) adopted a programme in which a long chapter was dedicated to the church after a long connection with Christianity in Estonia.
"Since the Christian Church deepens and develops the religious feelings and experiences of the citizens of the State, thus laying the foundations for the moral growth and honest conduct of the citizens of the State, the State (must) recognize the Church as an important factor in State and national life and guarantees it a dignified opportunity to act."
The last congress of the Vaps Movement (17th of December 1933) adopted a programme in which a long chapter was dedicated to the church after a long connection with Christianity in Estonia.


31.03.202518:30


30.03.202510:03
Socialism and liberalism combined in our pre-war Europe threatened to reduce the whole of humanity to an amorphous mass of randomly grouped single cells, roughly the biological equivalent of a fetal morula. But Europe, too, in its essence, is not an amorphous collection of human beings, but has evolved over time as autonomous entities, individual states and nations with an inherent urge to mould themselves. Just as it is enough for a cooling molten mass or a super-charged solution to need only a few jolts or a few crystals thrown into it to crystallise the whole mass in spite of the external forms which hinder it, so Europe needed only the jolt of the Great War to give form to the impulses latent in the individual nations. And yet the relatively homogeneous structure of European statehood was suddenly shaken by the principle of national self-determination, and individual crystallizations began to emerge - national self-assertions.
- Juhan Libe, Vaps ideologue and theorist.
23.03.202519:55
https://keithwoods.pub/p/nationalism-vs-nazism
Some recommended reading to our subscribers.
Some recommended reading to our subscribers.


13.03.202522:35
Where I post from:


14.04.202509:59


11.04.202512:55
"God sent (us) the Vaps Movement to purify and renew the human heart and spirit through struggle...no longer do the political parties and so-called leaders speak, but...it is the people themselves who speak through their own sovereignty - and that call is: a sword to those who hate and blaspheme God, but peace to those who build their lives on faith and hope in the Lord God."
- Valter Viks, teacher of the Rõuge Maarja congregation, 9th of November 1933, published in the Vaps newspaper Võitlus (The Struggle)
Repost qilingan:
Joel Davis

31.03.202512:30
I am not a supporter of Marine Le Pen, she is a sell out, a betrayer of her father's legacy.
Nevertheless, her imprisonment and disqualification from the 2027 presidential election which the polling suggests she would inevitably win is probably the biggest delegitimisation of liberal democracy this century so far.
Liberalism has lost the capacity to live up to its own ideals, this isn't simply due to hypocrisy - it is due to the contradictions inherent to liberal democracy itself. The project of minority rights sacrosanct to 21st Century liberalism is fundamentally incompatible with democracy's populist tendencies, the will of the majority.
Liberalism can no longer tolerate democracy and must destroy it, but it's fundamental source of legitimacy is the notion of democracy itself. Liberalism is therefore eating itself alive. What comes next is either a snowballing leftist tyranny or a revolution from the Right.
The Jews and tech billionaires running America realised the project of liberalism would unravel there to their detriment if Trump was jailed, and so they intervened and reversed the process to keep the American empire alive and protect their interests.
I don't think European democracies are capable of holding the center in analogous ways, the political destiny of Europe I think therefore is runaway polarisation. Once the liberal democratic contract is broken, the mutual civic toleration of Right and Left must inevitably degenerate until a winner takes all.
Nevertheless, her imprisonment and disqualification from the 2027 presidential election which the polling suggests she would inevitably win is probably the biggest delegitimisation of liberal democracy this century so far.
Liberalism has lost the capacity to live up to its own ideals, this isn't simply due to hypocrisy - it is due to the contradictions inherent to liberal democracy itself. The project of minority rights sacrosanct to 21st Century liberalism is fundamentally incompatible with democracy's populist tendencies, the will of the majority.
Liberalism can no longer tolerate democracy and must destroy it, but it's fundamental source of legitimacy is the notion of democracy itself. Liberalism is therefore eating itself alive. What comes next is either a snowballing leftist tyranny or a revolution from the Right.
The Jews and tech billionaires running America realised the project of liberalism would unravel there to their detriment if Trump was jailed, and so they intervened and reversed the process to keep the American empire alive and protect their interests.
I don't think European democracies are capable of holding the center in analogous ways, the political destiny of Europe I think therefore is runaway polarisation. Once the liberal democratic contract is broken, the mutual civic toleration of Right and Left must inevitably degenerate until a winner takes all.
29.03.202514:47
Mõni nädal tagasi lõid reformierakondlased sotsid koalitsioonist välja ning alustasid 'uue koalitsiooni' loomist ainult Eesti 200, kuid ilmselgelt pole see sotside välja puksimine aidanud Ref'ile ega E200'le kaasa nende populaarsuse kasvatamisele reitingutel.
'Uus valitsus' plaanib ja on teinud paljuski, mis peaks rahvuslastel turja punaseks ajama (nt geopoliitilised lollused nagu tüli norimine nii USA kui ka Venemaaga samal ajal, uus suur immigratsiooni laine kvoodi lõdvendamise kaudu, ning kirikute tagakiusamine ja suukorvistamine).
Mina ei usu otseselt petitsioonide mõjukusse, kuid pidev vingumine kuid samas mitte tegutsemine (isegi kui see tegu võib olla ebaefektiivne või ainult sümboolne) ei muuda ka midagi.
Seega küsin igalt eesti rahvuslaselt, kristlaselt, traditsionalistilt jne, et annaksite oma allkirja sellele petitsioonile ning jagaksite seda ka enda vanemate, sugulaste ja sõpradega, lootuses, et kui petitsioon saab piisavalt palju allkirju siis on surve piisavalt, et siis toimuvad ka erakorralised valimised millest võiks ka sündida muutus meie riigi poliitikas.
https://rahvaalgatus.ee/initiatives/1360-eesti-vajab-erakorralisi-valimisi
'Uus valitsus' plaanib ja on teinud paljuski, mis peaks rahvuslastel turja punaseks ajama (nt geopoliitilised lollused nagu tüli norimine nii USA kui ka Venemaaga samal ajal, uus suur immigratsiooni laine kvoodi lõdvendamise kaudu, ning kirikute tagakiusamine ja suukorvistamine).
Mina ei usu otseselt petitsioonide mõjukusse, kuid pidev vingumine kuid samas mitte tegutsemine (isegi kui see tegu võib olla ebaefektiivne või ainult sümboolne) ei muuda ka midagi.
Seega küsin igalt eesti rahvuslaselt, kristlaselt, traditsionalistilt jne, et annaksite oma allkirja sellele petitsioonile ning jagaksite seda ka enda vanemate, sugulaste ja sõpradega, lootuses, et kui petitsioon saab piisavalt palju allkirju siis on surve piisavalt, et siis toimuvad ka erakorralised valimised millest võiks ka sündida muutus meie riigi poliitikas.
https://rahvaalgatus.ee/initiatives/1360-eesti-vajab-erakorralisi-valimisi
13.03.202514:34
^^ Go give my friend a follow.
13.04.202512:17
🇪🇪 The Vaps Movement and Religion 🇪🇪
The Vaps Movement (Eesti Vabadussõjalaste Liit), maintained a significant connection with the Lutheran Church. Unlike other European radical right or Third Positionist movements of the time, such as the Latvian Pērkoņkrusts, which was anti-Christian and pagan, the Vaps upheld Christian values and traditions.
Religious, specifically Christian, elements were integral to the Vaps' activities. Their events, including summer gatherings and conferences, typically commenced with sermons. Following their victory in the 1933 constitutional referendum, thanksgiving services were held nationwide, with clergy like Reinhold Uhke leading ceremonies in cities such as Tallinn and Haapsalu.
The movement's publications, notably the newspaper Võitlus, frequently featured Christian references, including appeals like "God, help us." This spiritual dimension was so pronounced that political adversaries attempted to portray the Vaps as anti-Christian, a claim that starkly contrasted with their evident Christian engagements.
Artur Sirk, the Vaps leader, maintained close communication with theologians until his untimely death in 1937. Sirk himself was a Lutheran, but Andres Larka was an Eastern Orthodox Christian reflecting the divide in confessions of Christianity in the nationalist movement at the time.
Below I will bring some more examples:
During the campaign for the draft constitution of the EVL (Vaps Movement), opponents (especially the socialist newspaper "Rahva Sõna" aka ''The Word of the People'') made claims as if the Vaps Movement had made an agreement with the Estonian Evangelical Lutheran Church. According to the agreement, the EELK was to become the state church and the church teachers were to receive salaries from the state treasury, etc. The agreement was that the Estonian Evangelical Lutheran Church was to become the state church. Artur Sirk responded to the allegations in the newspaper Võitlus. As a legal scholar, he refuted the allegations, stating that the draft of the Vaps Movement did not differ from the current Constitution in the part concerning the relationship between religion and the state (§ 11). Thus, such an agreement would not be possible at all. Sirk makes clear the position of the Vaps Movement, which they have never concealed: 'we respect religion and the church' and 'the Vaps Movement sees Christianity as a great moral value for the life of our state and people'. Consequently, for the EVL, "...every major action, every important event is begun with prayer and the word of God".
In February 1933, an article entitled "Religious Foundations of the State" was published in Võitlus. The article argues that in the maturity of religious life lie the creative forces of a nation as well as its spiritual greatness. Without faith, among other things, the love of the fatherland is lost. According to the author, religion is not a private matter, but a 'moral asset' of a nation. However, the current authorities, the political parties, have allowed religion to be blasphemed in schools. 'Our people are and will be religious and will never compromise with socialists and communists for the sake of faith'. The Vaps Movement is said to be a new religious movement. "In faith is freedom, in faith is the inner strength of the fatherland and the people to fight". Therefore, the author calls for religious foundations for a new Estonia.
After the rejection of the draft constitution submitted by the Riigikogu in the referendum, Võitlus wrote in June 1933 that the political parties, almost without exception, had been in the service of socialism and had promoted liberalism. "The defeat of the parties is a special joy to the entire faithful Estonian people and our Lutheran Church".
The Vaps Movement (Eesti Vabadussõjalaste Liit), maintained a significant connection with the Lutheran Church. Unlike other European radical right or Third Positionist movements of the time, such as the Latvian Pērkoņkrusts, which was anti-Christian and pagan, the Vaps upheld Christian values and traditions.
Religious, specifically Christian, elements were integral to the Vaps' activities. Their events, including summer gatherings and conferences, typically commenced with sermons. Following their victory in the 1933 constitutional referendum, thanksgiving services were held nationwide, with clergy like Reinhold Uhke leading ceremonies in cities such as Tallinn and Haapsalu.
The movement's publications, notably the newspaper Võitlus, frequently featured Christian references, including appeals like "God, help us." This spiritual dimension was so pronounced that political adversaries attempted to portray the Vaps as anti-Christian, a claim that starkly contrasted with their evident Christian engagements.
Artur Sirk, the Vaps leader, maintained close communication with theologians until his untimely death in 1937. Sirk himself was a Lutheran, but Andres Larka was an Eastern Orthodox Christian reflecting the divide in confessions of Christianity in the nationalist movement at the time.
Below I will bring some more examples:
During the campaign for the draft constitution of the EVL (Vaps Movement), opponents (especially the socialist newspaper "Rahva Sõna" aka ''The Word of the People'') made claims as if the Vaps Movement had made an agreement with the Estonian Evangelical Lutheran Church. According to the agreement, the EELK was to become the state church and the church teachers were to receive salaries from the state treasury, etc. The agreement was that the Estonian Evangelical Lutheran Church was to become the state church. Artur Sirk responded to the allegations in the newspaper Võitlus. As a legal scholar, he refuted the allegations, stating that the draft of the Vaps Movement did not differ from the current Constitution in the part concerning the relationship between religion and the state (§ 11). Thus, such an agreement would not be possible at all. Sirk makes clear the position of the Vaps Movement, which they have never concealed: 'we respect religion and the church' and 'the Vaps Movement sees Christianity as a great moral value for the life of our state and people'. Consequently, for the EVL, "...every major action, every important event is begun with prayer and the word of God".
In February 1933, an article entitled "Religious Foundations of the State" was published in Võitlus. The article argues that in the maturity of religious life lie the creative forces of a nation as well as its spiritual greatness. Without faith, among other things, the love of the fatherland is lost. According to the author, religion is not a private matter, but a 'moral asset' of a nation. However, the current authorities, the political parties, have allowed religion to be blasphemed in schools. 'Our people are and will be religious and will never compromise with socialists and communists for the sake of faith'. The Vaps Movement is said to be a new religious movement. "In faith is freedom, in faith is the inner strength of the fatherland and the people to fight". Therefore, the author calls for religious foundations for a new Estonia.
After the rejection of the draft constitution submitted by the Riigikogu in the referendum, Võitlus wrote in June 1933 that the political parties, almost without exception, had been in the service of socialism and had promoted liberalism. "The defeat of the parties is a special joy to the entire faithful Estonian people and our Lutheran Church".
Repost qilingan:
Neues Europa archive

08.04.202519:25
🇪🇪 Estonian collaborationist soldier reading a newspaper showing the struggle Estonia went through for its independence as the same for what they were fighting during the war against bolshevism
🇪🇪1918—1945!🇪🇪
🏴 Neues Europa archive 🏴
🇪🇪1918—1945!🇪🇪
🏴 Neues Europa archive 🏴
30.03.202517:47
By the early 1930s, Estonia was facing the same fundamental crisis as most of Europe. The parliamentary system, riddled with factionalism and corruption, had completely lost its ability to govern effectively. Every election produced more fragmentation, instability, and short-lived governments, each weaker than the last. Economic hardship from the Great Depression only deepened public dissatisfaction, creating a vacuum of power. Radical solutions—authoritarian nationalist ones—became the only realistic options.
The Vaps, inspired by the various Third Positionist movements rising across Europe, represented a direct challenge to the old elite. Their mass support among veterans and the broader population was undeniable. In 1933, they had successfully pushed through constitutional changes that would have allowed for a strong presidential system—something they were preparing to seize through elections in 1934 (a critical mistake, when they should have demanded power from Prime Minister liberal nationalist Jaan Tõnisson in late 1933 after the referendum). They were the real political threat to the system, not Päts, whose power had been in decline.
Päts, unwilling to see power shift into the hands of a more radical and revolutionary force, did what any experienced politician would: he struck first. His coup was not about "saving democracy"—a fiction that some Päts apologists still cling to—but about maintaining control, becoming the first President of Estonia. He had to act, because if he didn’t, the Vaps would have taken power. The battle lines were drawn: Estonia would have an authoritarian, anti-democratic government either way, but the nature of that government depended on whether it was led by Päts or the Vaps.
Boomer conservatives whining about "Päts’s betrayal of democracy" are missing the entire historical reality. Democracy had already failed. The country needed strong leadership—whether in the form of a revolutionary nationalist movement or a soft, bureaucratic dictatorship like the one Päts imposed. In the end, Estonia got authoritarianism, but it got it in the most lukewarm, neutered form possible. Instead of a dynamic, mobilized national state, Päts imposed stagnation, censorship, and a "fatherly" dictatorship that achieved little beyond delaying Estonia’s inevitable geopolitical fate, although, his rule had many positives when compared to the democratic era.
So the real question is not whether authoritarianism was "right" or "wrong"—by the 1930s, it was unavoidable. The real debate is over whether Estonia could have taken a different path—one where national strength and dynamism triumphed over complacency. Those who cry about Päts's coup without considering this are stuck in a childish fantasy, failing to recognize that history left Estonia with only two paths: authoritarianism under a visionary nationalist movement or authoritarianism under a conservative bureaucrat.
The tragic reality for revolutionary nationalists? We got the latter.
The Vaps, inspired by the various Third Positionist movements rising across Europe, represented a direct challenge to the old elite. Their mass support among veterans and the broader population was undeniable. In 1933, they had successfully pushed through constitutional changes that would have allowed for a strong presidential system—something they were preparing to seize through elections in 1934 (a critical mistake, when they should have demanded power from Prime Minister liberal nationalist Jaan Tõnisson in late 1933 after the referendum). They were the real political threat to the system, not Päts, whose power had been in decline.
Päts, unwilling to see power shift into the hands of a more radical and revolutionary force, did what any experienced politician would: he struck first. His coup was not about "saving democracy"—a fiction that some Päts apologists still cling to—but about maintaining control, becoming the first President of Estonia. He had to act, because if he didn’t, the Vaps would have taken power. The battle lines were drawn: Estonia would have an authoritarian, anti-democratic government either way, but the nature of that government depended on whether it was led by Päts or the Vaps.
Boomer conservatives whining about "Päts’s betrayal of democracy" are missing the entire historical reality. Democracy had already failed. The country needed strong leadership—whether in the form of a revolutionary nationalist movement or a soft, bureaucratic dictatorship like the one Päts imposed. In the end, Estonia got authoritarianism, but it got it in the most lukewarm, neutered form possible. Instead of a dynamic, mobilized national state, Päts imposed stagnation, censorship, and a "fatherly" dictatorship that achieved little beyond delaying Estonia’s inevitable geopolitical fate, although, his rule had many positives when compared to the democratic era.
So the real question is not whether authoritarianism was "right" or "wrong"—by the 1930s, it was unavoidable. The real debate is over whether Estonia could have taken a different path—one where national strength and dynamism triumphed over complacency. Those who cry about Päts's coup without considering this are stuck in a childish fantasy, failing to recognize that history left Estonia with only two paths: authoritarianism under a visionary nationalist movement or authoritarianism under a conservative bureaucrat.
The tragic reality for revolutionary nationalists? We got the latter.
Repost qilingan:
Neues Europa archive



29.03.202514:19
🇪🇪 Estonian soldier standing alongside the legendary hero Lembitu, Lembitu who was a 13th-century Estonian chieftain and military leader who led resistance against the Northern Crusades, Suure-Jaani, 1944.
🏴 Neues Europa archive 🏴
🏴 Neues Europa archive 🏴


21.03.202512:46
However, there is one major national movement, which is usually not taken as such, but is classified as a national political phenomenon, but which is the only one that has tried with conscious certainty to adopt a certain Estonian historical tradition based on a certain kind of nationalism basis.
This is our Vaps Movement.
The Veterans movement has embraced this brighter era in our national history, which authors and publishers are more or less unanimous about in the sense that it demonstrates the positive potential of the Estonian people and thus serves as a tradition and an instructive example for raising national self-esteem and self-confidence. Ideologically speaking, the Veterans movement is not so much a national vision as a national vision. General Põdder, one of the most important early leaders of the movement and one of its co-workers to the end, emphasised in his last writing, even on his deathbed, that 'the Veterans are not bound by their profession but by their idea'.
The resolutions adopted by the congresses of the Vaps Movement state that the Vaps Movement fights for the integrality of the Estonian nation, whereby the idea of the nation is consciously considered to be superior to the concept of statehood, which is only a means of self-realization of the nation, although higher forms.
- Juhan Libe, Vaps ideologue and theorist. 🇪🇪
Repost qilingan:
Lithuania’s School of Thought



13.03.202514:33
"The worth of a person lies not in the intellect alone, but in the religious experience that binds him to the eternal. Without this, he wanders lost in a world of his own making."
- Izidorius Tamošaitis. 🇱🇹
Rinktiniai filosofiniai raštai
(Selected Philosophical Writings)
Ko'rsatilgan 1 - 24 dan 83
Ko'proq funksiyalarni ochish uchun tizimga kiring.