Pantopia Reading Nook 📰🚩
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Дата створення каналуЖовт 19, 2019
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Лют 26, 2025Останні публікації в групі "Pantopia Reading Nook 📰🚩"
25.02.202510:56
The book focuses on what the authors identify as the radical right, distinguishing it from the “extreme right” and fascism. The extreme right, they contend, generally refers to “revolutionary movements that reject liberal democratic institutions and tend to embrace violence,” while the radical right “accepts democracy but is anti-liberal or illiberal in its worldview and transformative ambitions.”
At the core, then, of the different national versions of the radical right is an account of what Abrahamsen and her coauthors call “global managerialism.”
"the essence of contemporary world politics is not the age-old story of realist power politics, the liberal tale of progress through institutions, or the corrosive spread of neoliberal capitalism. It is instead the rise to power of a global liberal managerial elite, the so-called New Class of experts and bureaucrats. Detached and unmoored from their national identities and cultures, the interests of this elite lie in yet further globalization and liberalization, and work against the interests of traditional national values and local communities."
A central feature of these claims is the identification of a class enemy: the New Class, which includes corporate elites, civil servants, journalists, lawyers, engineers, therapists, academics, consultants, and various bureaucrats.
Unlike left-wing commentators who might identify this group as the professional-managerial class (or PMC) or the new petty bourgeoisie, the radical right is much more likely to point to the fact that the New Class’s power derives from its position in global networks and highlight its disconnection from the local, the traditional, and above all, the nation.
Depending on the national context, other concepts — such as focus on tradition, a defense of “Western values,” and opposition to the Enlightenment — may be more prominent.
Abrahamsen et al. also examine some of the leading strategies it deploys to spread its ideas: the promotion of a radical right publishing industry and radical right educational institutions.
Abrahamsen and her coauthors go as far as to call the radical right “the Gramscian Right,” contending that just as Karl Marx looked to turn Hegelian idealism “on its head,” so the radical right has inverted Gramsci.
Central to their reading of Gramsci is the French Nouvelle Droite (New Right), particularly its main ideologue, Alain de Benoist.
Perhaps the most succinct summary of right-wing Gramscianism is Andrew Breitbart’s dictum, influential among the alt-right, that “politics is downstream of culture.”
As Abrahamsen and her coauthors note, it is now the radical right that occupies the terrain of opposition to the status quo.
It is the book’s understanding of the disruptive force of the radical right that makes the World of the Right an illuminating analysis of the historical moment of demoralization and disorientation in which the Left finds itself today. As one of the authors of the book recently framed it, the radical right recognizes that this is its historical moment.
To confront the radical right’s contemporary success requires acknowledging past failures and engaging in self-criticism — exactly the process the French New Right and others were prepared to undertake in the ’60s.
https://jacobin.com/2025/02/new-right-gramsci-managerialism-trump/
At the core, then, of the different national versions of the radical right is an account of what Abrahamsen and her coauthors call “global managerialism.”
"the essence of contemporary world politics is not the age-old story of realist power politics, the liberal tale of progress through institutions, or the corrosive spread of neoliberal capitalism. It is instead the rise to power of a global liberal managerial elite, the so-called New Class of experts and bureaucrats. Detached and unmoored from their national identities and cultures, the interests of this elite lie in yet further globalization and liberalization, and work against the interests of traditional national values and local communities."
A central feature of these claims is the identification of a class enemy: the New Class, which includes corporate elites, civil servants, journalists, lawyers, engineers, therapists, academics, consultants, and various bureaucrats.
Unlike left-wing commentators who might identify this group as the professional-managerial class (or PMC) or the new petty bourgeoisie, the radical right is much more likely to point to the fact that the New Class’s power derives from its position in global networks and highlight its disconnection from the local, the traditional, and above all, the nation.
Depending on the national context, other concepts — such as focus on tradition, a defense of “Western values,” and opposition to the Enlightenment — may be more prominent.
Abrahamsen et al. also examine some of the leading strategies it deploys to spread its ideas: the promotion of a radical right publishing industry and radical right educational institutions.
Abrahamsen and her coauthors go as far as to call the radical right “the Gramscian Right,” contending that just as Karl Marx looked to turn Hegelian idealism “on its head,” so the radical right has inverted Gramsci.
Central to their reading of Gramsci is the French Nouvelle Droite (New Right), particularly its main ideologue, Alain de Benoist.
Perhaps the most succinct summary of right-wing Gramscianism is Andrew Breitbart’s dictum, influential among the alt-right, that “politics is downstream of culture.”
As Abrahamsen and her coauthors note, it is now the radical right that occupies the terrain of opposition to the status quo.
It is the book’s understanding of the disruptive force of the radical right that makes the World of the Right an illuminating analysis of the historical moment of demoralization and disorientation in which the Left finds itself today. As one of the authors of the book recently framed it, the radical right recognizes that this is its historical moment.
To confront the radical right’s contemporary success requires acknowledging past failures and engaging in self-criticism — exactly the process the French New Right and others were prepared to undertake in the ’60s.
https://jacobin.com/2025/02/new-right-gramsci-managerialism-trump/
27.01.202512:04
In conclusione, pare evidente come il sistema di compartecipazioni fisse nel tempo ipotizzato dal Ddl Calderoli non sia sostenibile, se si intende finanziare i fabbisogni come si è finora fatto. La crescita della spesa per le regioni del Centro e del Nord è stata superiore alla crescita dei gettiti Irpef. Se dunque il processo previsto dal Ddl andrà avanti, sarà necessario pensare, come anche l’Ufficio parlamentare di bilancio evidenzia, a uno schema di compartecipazioni dinamico, che tenga conto sia della variazione del livello dei fabbisogni, che della differente crescita delle basi imponibili sul territorio nazionale.
TLDR: l'autonomia differenziata è insostenibile
https://lavoce.info/archives/102935/come-si-finanzia-lautonomia-differenziata/
TLDR: l'autonomia differenziata è insostenibile
https://lavoce.info/archives/102935/come-si-finanzia-lautonomia-differenziata/
27.01.202511:54
Like a lot of what Sam says, this is based on the conjecture, or in this case multiple conjectures:
1) The entirely speculative conjecture that LLMs or something else OpenAI figures out how to be build will be enormously profitable. So far the [cost of] infrastructure field-wide ($250B, perhaps) has enormously outweighed total revenue, perhaps 50:1.
2) The entirely speculative conjecture that any profits will actually do much to help the American people, as opposed to just enriching those who own that infrastructure. Yes, some people will be employed building data centers; but if the data centers work towards better AI, many others will lose their jobs. Net effect is entirely unclear.
https://spectrum.ieee.org/stargate
1) The entirely speculative conjecture that LLMs or something else OpenAI figures out how to be build will be enormously profitable. So far the [cost of] infrastructure field-wide ($250B, perhaps) has enormously outweighed total revenue, perhaps 50:1.
2) The entirely speculative conjecture that any profits will actually do much to help the American people, as opposed to just enriching those who own that infrastructure. Yes, some people will be employed building data centers; but if the data centers work towards better AI, many others will lose their jobs. Net effect is entirely unclear.
https://spectrum.ieee.org/stargate
22.01.202516:30
21.01.202514:35
Biden was simply in on it. He was on board with Prime Minister Netanyahu’s war plans. He even attended the war cabinet where the plans were adopted.
In an exit interview with the Times of Israel, Biden’s outgoing ambassador to Israel even bragged about the Biden administration never exerting pressure on Netanyahu to halt the killing. “Nothing that we ever said was, Just stop the war,” Ambassador Jack Lew proudly declared.
https://responsiblestatecraft.org/biden-ceasefire-credit/
In an exit interview with the Times of Israel, Biden’s outgoing ambassador to Israel even bragged about the Biden administration never exerting pressure on Netanyahu to halt the killing. “Nothing that we ever said was, Just stop the war,” Ambassador Jack Lew proudly declared.
https://responsiblestatecraft.org/biden-ceasefire-credit/
20.01.202521:07
20.01.202520:58
20.01.202520:00
20.01.202518:35
Carter played a significant role in dismantling New Deal legislation with the deregulation of major industries including airlines, banking, trucking, telecommunications, natural gas and railways. He appointed Paul Volcker to the Federal Reserve, who, in an effort to combat inflation, drove up interest rates and pushed the U.S. into the deepest recession since the Great Depression, a move that saw the start of punishing austerity cuts. Carter is the godfather of the pillage known as neoliberalism, a pillage fellow Democrat Bill Clinton would turbo charge.
Carter fell under the disastrous influence of his Svengali-like national security adviser Zbigniew Brzezinski, a Polish exile, who rejected the Nixon-Kissinger reliance on détente with the Soviet Union. Brzezinski’s life’s mission, one that meant he saw the world in black and white, was to confront and destroy the Soviet Union along with any government or movement he deemed to be under communist influence or sympathetic to it.
Carter, under Brzezinski’s influence, walked away from the Strategic Arms Limitation Talks treaty (SALT II) with the Soviet Union, which sought to curb nuclear weapons deployment. He increased military spending. He sent military aid to the Indonesian New Order government during the Indonesian invasion and occupation of East Timor, which many have characterized as a genocide. He supported, along with the apartheid state of South Africa, the murderous counter revolutionary group, the National Union for the Total Independence of Angola (UNITA), led by Jonas Savimbi. He provided aid to the brutal Zairian dictator Mobutu Sese Seko. He supported the Khmer Rouge.
He instructed the Central Intelligence Agency to back opposition groups and political parties to bring down the Sandinista government in Nicaragua once it took power in 1979, leading under the Reagan administration to the formation of the Contras and a bloody and senseless U.S.-backed insurgency. He provided military aid to the dictatorship in El Salvador, ignoring an appeal from Archbishop Oscar Romero — later assassinated — to cease U.S. arms shipments.
He poisoned U.S. relations with Iran by backing the repressive regime of Shah Mohammad Reza Pahlavi until the last minute and then allowing the deposed Shah to seek medical treatment in New York, triggering the occupation of the U.S. Embassy in Tehran and a 444-day hostage crisis. Carter’s belligerence — he froze Iranian assets, stopped importing oil from Iran and expelled 183 Iranian diplomats from the U.S. — played into Ayatollah Khomeini’s demonization of the U.S. and calls for Islamic rule. He obliterated the credibility of Iran’s secular opposition.
Carter gave Philippine President Ferdinand Marcos, although he ruled under martial law, billions in military aid. He armed the Mujahideen in Afghanistan after the Soviet intervention in 1979, a decision that cost the U.S. $3 billion, saw the deaths of 1.5 million Afghans and led to the creation of the Taliban and Al Qaeda. The blowback from this Carter policy alone is catastrophic.
He backed the South Korean military in 1980 when it laid siege to the city of Gwangju, where protestors had formed a militia, which led to the massacre of some 2,000 people.
Finally, he sold out the Palestinians when he negotiated a separate peace deal, known as the Camp David Accords
https://chrishedges.substack.com/p/dont-deify-jimmy-carter-read-by-eunice?publication_id=778851&post_id=153975442&isFreemail=true&r=9luiz&triedRedirect=true
Carter fell under the disastrous influence of his Svengali-like national security adviser Zbigniew Brzezinski, a Polish exile, who rejected the Nixon-Kissinger reliance on détente with the Soviet Union. Brzezinski’s life’s mission, one that meant he saw the world in black and white, was to confront and destroy the Soviet Union along with any government or movement he deemed to be under communist influence or sympathetic to it.
Carter, under Brzezinski’s influence, walked away from the Strategic Arms Limitation Talks treaty (SALT II) with the Soviet Union, which sought to curb nuclear weapons deployment. He increased military spending. He sent military aid to the Indonesian New Order government during the Indonesian invasion and occupation of East Timor, which many have characterized as a genocide. He supported, along with the apartheid state of South Africa, the murderous counter revolutionary group, the National Union for the Total Independence of Angola (UNITA), led by Jonas Savimbi. He provided aid to the brutal Zairian dictator Mobutu Sese Seko. He supported the Khmer Rouge.
He instructed the Central Intelligence Agency to back opposition groups and political parties to bring down the Sandinista government in Nicaragua once it took power in 1979, leading under the Reagan administration to the formation of the Contras and a bloody and senseless U.S.-backed insurgency. He provided military aid to the dictatorship in El Salvador, ignoring an appeal from Archbishop Oscar Romero — later assassinated — to cease U.S. arms shipments.
He poisoned U.S. relations with Iran by backing the repressive regime of Shah Mohammad Reza Pahlavi until the last minute and then allowing the deposed Shah to seek medical treatment in New York, triggering the occupation of the U.S. Embassy in Tehran and a 444-day hostage crisis. Carter’s belligerence — he froze Iranian assets, stopped importing oil from Iran and expelled 183 Iranian diplomats from the U.S. — played into Ayatollah Khomeini’s demonization of the U.S. and calls for Islamic rule. He obliterated the credibility of Iran’s secular opposition.
Carter gave Philippine President Ferdinand Marcos, although he ruled under martial law, billions in military aid. He armed the Mujahideen in Afghanistan after the Soviet intervention in 1979, a decision that cost the U.S. $3 billion, saw the deaths of 1.5 million Afghans and led to the creation of the Taliban and Al Qaeda. The blowback from this Carter policy alone is catastrophic.
He backed the South Korean military in 1980 when it laid siege to the city of Gwangju, where protestors had formed a militia, which led to the massacre of some 2,000 people.
Finally, he sold out the Palestinians when he negotiated a separate peace deal, known as the Camp David Accords
https://chrishedges.substack.com/p/dont-deify-jimmy-carter-read-by-eunice?publication_id=778851&post_id=153975442&isFreemail=true&r=9luiz&triedRedirect=true
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